Modernization and Changes in Women Political Status

Traditionally, most societies had clearly defined societal roles for men and women.Societies believed that beyond the physical and biological features, there were many otherunderlying differences between men and women, and they, therefore, had different capabilitiesand roles in society. Based on these beliefs, men and women had distinct roles in family andsociety at large. In Chinese […]

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Traditionally, most societies had clearly defined societal roles for men and women.
Societies believed that beyond the physical and biological features, there were many other
underlying differences between men and women, and they, therefore, had different capabilities
and roles in society. Based on these beliefs, men and women had distinct roles in family and
society at large. In Chinese and Japanese traditional societies, women’s roles were confined to
the home, where their primary role was to take care of their husbands and children. These
societies mainly practiced Confucianism, a philosophy that advocated for male-dominated family
structures (Tucker, 2018). In this type of family setup, women spent most of their time at home
and, therefore, they did not engage in social and economic activities. As a result, they became the
subjects of men, at the family, social, and political settings. The modernization of these societies,
however, led to the transformation of family structures and by extension the social and economic
status of women in the two countries, consequently allowing them to venture into the political
scene. This research argues that although modernization has influenced the take up of political
role by women in the two countries, modern Japanese society adheres to some principles of
Confucianism. This paper compares changes in the role of women in politics in China and Japan
due to modernization. The study will, therefore, analyze the traditional roles of women in China
and Japan, evaluate the effect of modernization on these roles, and compare the impact of
modernization on these roles, to evidence the fact that Japanese women do not take up political
roles because they still practice Confucianism
The role of women in the family in traditional Chinese and Japanese societies was similar
in several ways. Women in traditional Chinese society did not enjoy political status as it was
purely the reserve of men. From the fundamental unit of society, the family, women were guided

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by Confucianism, which pre-dominantly placed women at the mercy of men (Gao, 2003).
Although Confucianism did not completely belittle women, it placed them at the lower end of the
patriarchal family structure, where they were subjects of the men. In China, Confucianism and
the central government defined the woman’s place in the family setting (Hu & Scott, 2014).
Although Japanese women were obliged to adhere to the principles of Confucianism, they also
required to act as full-time mothers and wives. The woman in the traditional Japanese family was
required to submit to male dominion in three ways. When young, she was to submit to her
father, when she got married, she was to submit to her husband, and when her husband died, she
was to submit to her sons (Cooper, 2013). With this kind of family setting, it was difficult for
the women in these societies to attain any form of influence or political power.
However, since the advent of modernization, there have been some changes in the role of
women in China’s and Japan’s political scene. These changes emanate from the fact that women
are now more liberated, which allows them to champion for their rights and ultimately pursue
and attain political power. In discussing the changes that modernity has brought to the role of
women in the two countries, there is need to appreciate the fact these changes have been brought
about by socio-economic developments (Zeng, 2014). Social and economic factors are an
essential element in developing the political welfare of society. The fact that women in
traditional and Chinese and Japanese societies were socially and economically underpowered
explains their lack of participation in political activities. It means that they did not question the
social structures that restricted them to their homes while the mean took control of the political
scene.
The legislation of laws to protect the rights of women have also had a significant impact
on the roles of women in the two countries.

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In Traditional Chinese society, women did not hold political power. There was a fear
among men that giving power to women would disrupt the harmony in society (Rosen, 1995).
According to Rosen (1995), women who attempted to engage in any form of leadership were
deemed to be going against the laws of nature. However, with the introduction of contemporary
education due to modernization, women became more enlightened (Goto-Jones, 2009). Formal
education presented them with an opportunity to get regular jobs, which ultimately helped them
attain financial freedom (Mitter, 2016). The attainment of social and economic status by Chinese
women led to the emergence of women political leaders like Jiang Qing and Ye Qun (Rosen,
1995). The emergence of women political leadership points to the fact that modernization played
a part in changing the role of women in the Chinese political scene.
Additionally, socio-economic and political factors have, in recent times, played a crucial
role in Chinese marriages. According to Hershatter (2007), modernity influenced both Chinese
men and women to consider the political and socio-economic and political standing of their ideal
spouses. Men and women realized the importance of getting into a marriage with an
economically and politically endowed person. For the Chinese woman, this means that after
modernization, they were no longer willing to get married to people who could not allow them to
experience their political space. The fact that modernization also led to the appreciation of the
importance of socio-economic welfare points to the fact that women no longer wanted to rely
entirely on their husbands for sustenance. In other words, they did not want to adhere to the
philosophy of Neo-Confucianism, and thus, their appreciation of the need to consider the
political and socio-economic well-being of their potential marriage partners.
Although modernization shaped the role of Japanese political leadership, the influence is
different from that experienced in China. First, the average number of Japanese women who are

5
likely to join politics is relatively low as compared to China (Whiting, 1992). These low numbers
are mainly because most Japanese women are stay-at-home wives and mothers (Vera, 2013).
This is even though Japan is a developed nation which means that it presents more job
opportunities to its citizens. According to Estévez-Abe (2013), the gender gap in Japan is the
highest among developed nations. Although modernization tends to influence women to take up
economic and political activities, it has not been the case in Japan. According to Matsui (1995),
most Japanese women would rather stay at home and take care of their children as opposed to
getting formal full-time employment, which means that they are not economically empowered.
According to Ibrahim (2011), lack of financial resources is associated with powerlessness and
lack of aspirations. Therefore, the lack of financial resources among the Japanese women
explains their sense of powerlessness and lack of political aspirations. In contrast, most middle-
aged women in China are engaged in some form of employment (Stevens, 2003).
To further elucidate the fact that Japanese women still adhere to the ideals of
Confucianism, it is worth noting that most of them rely on their men for sustenance. By being
dependent on their husbands, they fail to take cognizance of the political stands of their spouses
(Hershatter,2007). The political stand of their husbands, even at the family level is not important
to them. To these Japanese women, all that matters is the fact their husbands can provide for
their needs. Their failure to appreciate the importance of the political space at the family level
means that their chances of involvement in politics at the communal or national level are
minimal.
Based on the social science analysis of changes in the political and social status of
women has significantly changed due to major reforms during the Chinese civil war, late Qing
dynasty, and the republican period. During these reforms, numerous scholars and sociologists

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focused on establishing gender equality policies at the political, social, and educational levels
(Li, 2000). However, efforts to ensure gender equality in Chinese society met resistance from the
dominant male society, and there were various obstacles for women fighting for greater equality.
In Japan, the status of women has improved over the decades. Women are involved in politics
and other matters which were traditionally dominated by men. Modernity has impacted women’s
political status in both China and Japan and consequently, the modern role of women in politics,
family, political life, education as well as behavioral expectations.
An analysis of the role of traditional and contemporary Chinese and Japanese women
reveals that both countries widely practiced Confucianism, which subjected the women to the
rule of men. In these societies, the role of women was restricted to the home where they were
subjected to the rules of their husbands. Seeing that the family is the nuclear unit of society, it
meant that the men also dominated the social and political scene. The advent of modernization,
however, presented a paradigm shift. Through education, women became empowered both
socially and economically, which meant that they now had access to the social and economic
resources they required to join the political scene. There is, however, a significant contrast in the
role of modernization in influencing Chinese and Japanese women to take up political roles.
While the Chinese women took advantage of the opportunities presented by modernization, their
Japanese counterparts chose to hold on to the traditional philosophy of Confucianism. This has
led to differences in the number of Chinese and Japanese women who have taken up political
roles.

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References

Cooper, J. (2013). The Roles of Women, Animals, and Nature in Traditional Japanese and
Western Folk Tales Carry Over into Modern Japanese and Western Culture.
Estévez-Abe, M. (2013). An international comparison of gender equality: Why is the Japanese
gender gap so persistent. Japan Labor Review, 10(2), 82-100.
Gao, X. (2003). Women Existing for Men: Confucianism and Social Injustice against Women in
China. Race, Gender & Class,10(3), 114-125. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/41675091
Goto-Jones, C. (2009). Modern Japan: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press, pp.
1-140.
Hershatter, G. (2007). Women in China’s long twentieth century. Berkeley, Calif.: Global, Area,
and International Archive, University of California.
Hu, Y., & Scott, J. (2014). Family and Gender Values in China. Journal of Family Issues, 37(9),
1267-1293. DOI: 10.1177/0192513×14528710
Ibrahim, S. (2011). Poverty, Aspirations and Well-Being: Afraid to Aspire and Unable to Reach
a Better Life – Voices from Egypt. SSRN Electronic Journal. doi: 10.2139/ssrn.1747798
Li, Y. (2000). Women’s Movement and Change of Women’s Status in China. Journal of
International Women’s Studies, 1(1), 30-40.
Matsui, M. (1995). Gender Role Perceptions of Japanese and Chinese Female Students in
American Universities. Comparative Education Review, 39(3), 356-378. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/1188912
Mitter, R. (2016). Modern China: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press, Britain.
2 nd Edition, pp. 1-177.

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Rosen, S. (1995). Women and Political Participation in China. Pacific Affairs, 68(3), 315. DOI:
10.2307/2761128
Stevens E.S. (2003). Figuring Modernity: The New Woman and the Modern Girl in Republican
China. University Press, Vol. 15(3), pp. 82-102.
Tucker, J. (2018). Japanese Confucian Philosophy (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy).
Retrieved 6 September 2019, from https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/japanese-confucian/
Vera, M. (2013). Gender and Modernity in Japan, “Long Twentieth Century.” Journal of
Women’s History. Vol.25 (3), pp. 62-91.
Whiting, A. (1992). China and Japan: Politics versus Economics. The Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science, 519, 39-51. Retrieved from
http://www.jstor.org/stable/1046752
Zeng, B. (2014). Women’s Political Participation in China: Improved or Not? Journal of
International Women’s Studies, 15(1), 136-150.

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