Police Brutality and Black Lives Matter Movement

Police brutality towards African Americans in the U.S. dates back to many years ago.
The lack of a clear and standard description and reliable data challenges the process of
quantifying acts of police brutality. Evidence, however, shows police harming black people, and
this can be traced back to the era of slavery. Police would discipline black people, beat them
publicly and arrest anyone who would escape enslavement. However, with the current
advancement in technology and widespread use of social media, cases of police brutality against
African Americans have been recorded in the past and shared for public scrutiny (Alang et al.,
2017). Free access to the videos has led to public discourse and outcry towards the unethical
practice depicted by certain police officers caught on record harassing and, in some instances,
killing unarmed black people.
History has shown that people of color are more likely to be victims of police brutality
compared to the whites in the U.S. Whiteness, or what has been referred to as the white
privilege, affords white people immunity against brutality and excessive use of force by the
police (Alang et al., 2017). Excessive use of force in an evidently racially disparate manner is a
clear indication of white supremacy. The devaluation of black lives that goes hand in hand with
the systemic valuation and positive assessments of whiteness and white people permeates widely
within the U.S. law enforcement system. It is for this continuous brutality and devaluation of
African Americans that the Black Lives Matter (BLM) Movement was founded (Clayton, 2018).
Racial stress and trauma experienced by black people due to police brutality triggered
three black women, Opal Tometi, Alicia Garza, and Patrisse Cullors, to come up with the BLM
movement to respond to the systemic inequities against black people (Clayton, 2018). They were

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protesting against gentrification that only seemed to target historically black neighborhoods,
criminalization of black youth in colleges, and the most recent act that triggered the uproar was
the killing of Trayvon Martin. Martin’s death was followed by Breonna Taylor’s, George
Floyd’s, ad Rayshard Brooks’. Another video was recorded showing a police officer shooting
Jacob Blake in Kenosha. The black man was shot multiple times as he tried entering the vehicle.
His children were inside the car, and they witnessed their father being shot.
In the recent past, several deaths have been reported, and some even recorded on camera.
These recent deaths in the hands of police spurred widespread protests as racial injustices and
police brutality was put in the spotlight. These cases show evidence of structural and systemic
racism (Clayton, 2018). it is not a matter of having a few rogue police officers, but rather having
law enforcement agencies that condone brutality and racism against blacks. The lack of standard
processes to hold black people accountable for their actions and the reinstatement of police
officers shows that the system is not opposed to brutality against African Americans.
Calls for systemic change have been underway, with the recent killings igniting mass
pressure. One of the widely supported reforms was on defunding the police. Already, cities and
counties have started to implement this reform. Local budgets and law enforcement is now being
restructured, and the money is redirected to enhance public safety. For instance, a city in Los
Angeles, and about twelve other cities have promised to reduce police budgets (Subramanian &
Arzy, 2021). The amount to be deducted is not clear. However, there are plans to reinvest the
money in support of community programs such as prevention of violence, supportive housing, as
well as other services that will be beneficial to members of the public.
Further, San Francisco established a crisis response team that is in charge of behavioral
health calls instead of having police officers respond to such calls (Subramanian & Arzy, 2021).

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In other places such as Berkeley, changes were made to ensure that police officer are not in
charge of low-traffic calls. In other areas such as Minneapolis, promises were made that would
see a significant reduction of police officers within schools. Further, in response to the manner in
which Chauvin, the police officer who killed Floyd, acted, there now are restrictions on the
amount of force to be applied and clarification on the exact situations that warrant the use of
such force (Subramanian & Arzy, 2021). In many states, the standards on the use of force have
since been changed. Police officers are now required to use deadly force only as a last resort. An
officer can only use deadly force after exhausting all options that entail the use of nonviolent
force (Subramanian & Arzy, 2021). Additionally, officers must report o the state or federal
government specified instances when they had to use force.
In Colorado, police are banned from using excessive force to arrest a person who is
suspected of committing a minor offense (Subramanian & Arzy, 2021). Any states, however,
permit police officers to use deadly force to stop a suspect from escaping, with the exception of
five states which prohibit shooting at fleeing suspects or vehicles as this endangers the lives of
the public. D.C. and nine other states banned the use of neck restraints and strangleholds
(Subramanian & Arzy, 2021). Other eight states limited the use of these instruments only on
instances that legally warrant the police to use deadly force.
Some states have implemented some reforms, with others going back on their word.
However, more can be done. One of the first steps that need to be taken is to reform the qualified
immunity. It is a legal doctrine that makes it very difficult for a police officer to get sued for
violating a civilian’s rights (Morganelli, 2021). It is time that the doctrine was removed. This
doctrine offers protection to rogue police officers. It is a direct right for them to violate people’s
rights because they know that they are immune from prosecution (Morganelli, 2021). It also

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permits a lack of accountability among certain police officers who employ excessive force and
propagate racism against African Americans.
There is also an urgent need to reform national standards for training police officers on
handling civilians as well as on de-escalation tactics. In 2016, Philip Brailsford fatally shot and
killed Daniel Shaver, an unarmed citizen (Ray & Neily, 2021). Brailsford never used any tactics
to de-escalate the situation. A recording shows that he entered the scene ready to fire as his hands
were already on his rifle. He never considered the use of any tools or tactics that would have
helped to de-escalate the situation. Following the incident, he was fired only to be rehired later.
He later retired following issues related to post-traumatic stress disorder. Officer Brailsford’s
actions depict a police officer who lacked adequate training on de-escalation. The incident calls
for a need to make major reforms on the national standards for training as well as de-escalation.
Floyd’s incident also points to a lack of adequate training.
Many other incidents have shown that police officers respond to situations differently.
The lack of consistency shows a disconnect in the information that officers have and hence the
need to reform training and equip officers with skills and knowledge that are relevant in the
21stcentury (Engel et al., 2020). Police officers receive approximately ten hours of training on
de-escalation. This is inadequate and should be changed to ensure that they are well-equipped
(Ray & Neily, 2021). Additionally, they receive only fifty hours of training on firearm use.
When they are given their weapons, they are expected to rely on this minimal training regardless
of the situation that they encounter. The training should be revised, and uniformity emphasized
to ensure that police officers conduct themselves professionally and according to the training
received (Robinson, 2020).

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Further, civilian payouts for police misconduct should be restructured. $2 billion was
spent from 2015-to 2019 in civilian payouts to compensate for police misconduct (Ray & Neily,
2021). The problem is that the funds were sourced largely from general funds and not the police
department budget. These settlements are often very expensive and always burden the taxpayer.
Indemnification should be eliminated, and the police officer should be required to purchase
professional liability insurance. Insurance companies should identify police officers prone to
misconduct and raise their insurance rates the same way drivers who are prone to accidents or
doctors who engage in malpractice are treated (Ray & Neily, 2021). If a police officer
misbehaves more often, the rates are raised. Eventually, notorious officers will not be covered by
anyone ad will thus be rendered unemployable.
Overall, reforms in the police department are necessary to deal with the challenges of
systemic racism and police brutality against African Americans. The police must behave
ethically and in an accountable manner. However, this cannot happen in a vacuum. It calls for
restructuring ad changes in policies. Some states have already implemented various policies to
enhance the safety of civilians. However, more should be done. There is a need to reform the
qualified immunity, the standards of training and de-escalation, as well as enhance the level of
accountability by ensuring that police officers are personally liable for their conduct.

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References

Alang, S., McAlpine, D., McCreedy, E., & Hardeman, R. (2017). Police brutality and black
health: setting the agenda for public health scholars. American journal of public
health, 107(5), 662-665.
Clayton, D. M. (2018). Black lives matter and the civil rights movement: A comparative analysis
of two social movements in the United States. Journal of Black Studies, 49(5), 448-480.
Engel, R. S., McManus, H. D., & Herold, T. D. (2020). Does de‐escalation training work? A
systematic review and call for evidence in police use‐of‐force reform. Criminology &
Public Policy, 19(3), 721-759.
Morganelli, B. (2021). Reform of Qualified Immunity for Police Officers: A Pathway to
Legislative Reform. Available at SSRN 3946713.
Ray, R., & Neily, C. (2021). A better path forward for criminal justice: Police reform. Retrieved
16 February 2022, from https://www.brookings.edu/research/a-better-path-forward-for-
criminal-justice-police-reform/
Robinson, L. O. (2020). Five years after Ferguson: Reflecting on police reform and what’s
ahead. The ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 687(1),
228-239.
Subramanian, R., & Arzy, L. (2021). State Policing Reforms Since George Floyd’s Murder.
Retrieved 16 February 2022, from https://www.brennancenter.org/our-work/research-
reports/state-policing-reforms-george-floyds-murder